Newly elected Rep. Mark Pocan said on Up w/ Chris Hayes today that Congress is less popular than “cockroaches and traffic jams.” Why is that? Well, the Republican Party’s extreme rightward shift over the last three decades may be largely responsible for just how dysfunctional Congress has become.
According to new data published this week by political scientist Keith Poole, Republicans in the House of Representatives are now more ideologically extreme than at any time since 1879. And as a result, the distance between the two parties, as measured by Poole, is larger than at any time in more than a century.
A lot of the credit for this trend, according to conventional wisdom, goes to the Tea Party. But Poole’s data shows that the Republicans’ rightward shift began long ago, in the late 1970s. And not only that, but even the most moderate Republicans — the tenth ideological percentile, or light red line in the chart above — are now as extreme as the most extreme conservative Republicans were in the 1970s. Put another way, the most conservative member of the House of Representatives in 1976 would, today, be considered the most moderate.
That’s how far the Republican Party has drifted.
(Source: upwithsteve)

![theatlantic:
The Worst Part of Paul Ryan’s Budget
Paul Ryan’s budget takes us back to 1950. That’s not a metaphor. That’s a statistic.When the CBO projected Ryan’s plan four decades into the future, it concluded that the size of government would shrink to 15% of the economy by 2050. How small is 15%? As a share of GDP, it would be the smallest government since 1950/’51. Here’s Ryan’s proposed 2050 budget and our real 1950 budget, side by side. The Y axis is percent-share of GDP.
On the one hand, these governments are basically the same size, as a share of the economy. On the other hand, they are also completely different governments. In 1950, Medicare didn’t exist, Medicaid didn’t exist, and Social Security was 3% the size of defense spending. Today, those three programs account for practically of the projected growth in government spending. […]
In Ryan’s 2050 budget, the “All Else” category shrinks to 3.75% of GDP. How small is 3.75%? Let’s put it this way: Mitt Romney has proposed defense spending at 4% of GDP … and defense spending makes up only about half of this category! Ryan’s own ten-year projection doesn’t let defense spending fall below 3%. It’s unlikely he wants it to fall much further. That would leave 0.75% of GDP to do everything else.
Today, 0.75% of GDP is about $100 billion. That is about as much as we spend on education and vocational training in the discretionary budget, as Michael Linden of the Center for American Progress pointed out. Imagine if everything else disappeared. It would leave nothing for infrastructure. Nothing for unemployment insurance. Nothing for food stamps. Nothing for border patrol. Nothing for the FDA, FAA, or FBI. Nothing for research and development. Nothing, even, to pay people to work in government! Do you think it’s important to support our veterans with health care, education, and retirement security? Sorry. Veterans programs currently cost more than 1% of our GDP. There would be no room.
Read more.
If this fall’s election doesn’t change things, I honestly fear that I might have a stroke from all the stress.](http://25.media.tumblr.com/tumblr_m1ahknJdJe1qcokc4o1_1280.png)
![theatlantic:
Senate Gridlock Explained in One Chart
[Image: National Journal]](http://25.media.tumblr.com/tumblr_m0kmcbS2u11qcokc4o1_1280.png)
